Initial report dated 1 September 1998
Algeria's Civil War
An understanding of Algeria's economic, political, social and cultural situation depends fundamentally on understanding the causes, effects, blame and culpability in the country's current civil war. The conflict has been described as "an undeclared civil war," "civil strife," and "guerrilla warfare," but no terms accurately describe the violence in Algeria and its impact on the Algerian people. The current situation is distinguishable from civil wars in many other countries by the lack of credible information about the conflict. It is a war on citizens, who are increasingly unable to identify the perpetrators of this mass violence. The lack of government transparency and strict media control make it nearly impossible to obtain reliable information about the current status of the war.
Although the war originated as a conflict between Islamic fundamentalists and the military-backed government of the National Liberation Front (FLN), innocent civilians have increasingly become the victims of premeditated and arbitrary Islamist and government massacres, torture, rape and abductions. The Algerian government claims that 25,000 people have been killed since fighting broke out in 1992,1 but most journalists and human rights groups assert that over 80,000 of the country's twenty-nine million inhabitants have been killed,2 and at least 3,700 of them are women.3 As of 26 August 1998, 980 citizens had been reported missing to the Interior Ministry.4 However, the Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights, one of the country's most prominent nongovernmental human rights organizations, has documented over 18,000 cases of "disappearances."5
Background on the War
"This is not a fight between the military-backed 'Front de Liberation National' (FLN) Government and Islamic fundamentalists. It is more like a war against an unarmed civilian population by a group intent on imposing its narrow vision on all Algerians."
Khalida Messaoudi, founding member of Algeria's Independent Association for the Triumph of Women's Rights6
"This war has no front and no borders. It revolves around the people. Each side is trying to win over the civilian population, be it through repression and violence."
Ali Yahia Abdennour, head of the Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights7
Algeria attained independence from France in 1962 following an eight-year war that left over one million Algerians dead and over two million homeless.8 Thereafter, the country was run by the Front de Liberation National' (National Liberation Front-FLN), a secular political party linked with the country's military leadership. Algeria's leaders established the country as a socialist state with a one-party system, with the FLN the only legal party.9
In 1989, responding to growing unrest, deteriorating economic conditions, and demonstrations, the FLN announced the country's first local and national elections. Local elections were held in 1989 and 1990; the Front islamique du salut (FIS-Islamic Salvation Front), a fundamentalist political party seeking to establish Algeria as a state governed by Islamic law, emerged as the party with the most public support. The FIS once again gained a clear victory in the first round of parliamentary elections held in December 1991 and was poised to win a majority of the seats in the second round, to take place in 1992. In January 1992, before the second round could be held, the military intervened, forcing the president to resign and canceling the election. Algeria's military leadership took control of the country, imposed a state of emergency, banned the FIS, and imprisoned its leaders.
In response to the military coup d'etat, FIS supporters conducted protests and rallies throughout the country. Government security forces responded with force and firearms to break them up.10 The government security forces and Islamic military groups have been fighting ever since, with civilians increasingly drawn into the conflict. For the most part, Islamic groups are blamed-and take responsibility-for the violence, but many domestic and international observers question the government's role, waging accusations ranging from indifference to complicity in the widespread violence against civilians.11
The Role and Structure of the Army
In Algeria, "Army" is an umbrella term which is used to refer to any one of several factions. Few clear links exist within the government between the various security forces and armies and the people to whom they report. Officers in charge have their own networks of supporters, making them even more independent of the authorities. As a result of this nebulous situation, "special military units in hoods arrest people who then disappear without their families ever knowing which section of the army is responsible. . . soldiers are trained to believe that they alone are responsible for keeping civil peace. They need not account for their actions before the courts or the people."12
The chain of command in the country's armed Islamic opposition is equally confusing. The armed branch of the FIS and the more radical Group Islamique Arme (GIA-Armed Islamic Group) are the main Islamist military factions waging war on the government. The GIA is a term ascribed to several fragmented factions and groups that have claimed responsibility for killing intellectuals, journalists, unveiled women and foreigners, and wiping out entire villages in western Algeria. "But the lack of information about the GIA murders, along with the government's refusal to investigate GIA crimes, has bred widespread skepticism about the group's identity, and some observers suspect that the GIA is directly connected to the state's intelligence service, designed to discredit the Islamists."13
The Militarization of Algerian Society
In addition to the myriad of government-backed and Islamic military groups, civilians are becoming perpetrators of violence. Ostensibly in an effort to reduce violence in rural areas and protect civilians, government authorities have distributed weapons to civilians and encouraged the creation of paramilitary groups, whose nominal task is to protect their community from attacks by armed opposition groups.14 With little training and virtually no accountability, civilians have become perpetrators of extrajudicial executions and other abuses. By encouraging citizens' participation in the conflict, "the Algerian authorities have abdicated their responsibility to ensure the protection of the civilian population, and have allowed the rule of law to be further eroded."15
Violence is most widespread in rural areas of western and central Algeria, particularly the regions that voted most widely for the FIS in the 1991 elections. Fearing attacks, tens of thousands of Algerians are fleeing villages for larger cities, which are already crowded beyond acceptable standards.16 Consequently, many villages have been abandoned, while an average of seven persons inhabit a small city apartment.17 Schools in rural areas have closed down, while in the cities fewer parents can afford to educate their children.18 According to one recent report, if these conditions continue, only nine out of every 100 children will finish high school, and only one will reach a university.19
President Zeroual's Resignation
On 11 September 1998 President Liamine Zeroual announced his intention to shorten his term of office and hold elections by February 1999. The FLN leadership had appointed Zeroual, a former general, to be president in 1994, and he was then elected for a five-year term in 1995. The Algerian press has attributed Zeroual's resignation announcement to conflicts between Zeroual and the military leadership,20 the president's declining health, deteriorating economic conditions, and conflicts within the government and military elite as to strategies for negotiating a truce with the opposition.21 Zeroual's announcement has triggered a new wave of violence and unrest. Reports of murders and kidnappings have escalated, and a wave of strikes by university teachers, judges, state-owned airline personnel and newspaper workers has swept the nation.
Algeria has the fifth-largest natural gas reserves in the world and is the second largest gas exporter. The hydrocarbons sector is the mainstay of the economy, accounting for roughly fifty percent of government revenues and ninety-five per cent of export earnings in 1997. Despite the thriving hydrocarbons sector, however, approximately forty percent of the population lives below the poverty level.22 The country currently has an unemployment rate of at least thirty percent, with seventy percent of people under the age of thirty unable to find work.
In an effort to stimulate the economy and encourage foreign investment, the government has recently begun privatizing state-run, centralized enterprises and restructuring the banking and housing construction industries. Other economic reforms have included liberalizing tariff barriers, agreeing on a free-trade zone with the European Union, and widening tax incentives for investors. However, some fear that the growth of the private sector will be too slow to create the jobs needed to bring the country out of its economic difficulties.23
Human Rights and Freedom of Expression
Nongovernmental organizations in Algeria, particularly watchdog groups, face extreme government restrictions on their activities. According to the Ligue algerienne des droits de l'homme (LADH-Algerian League for Human Rights), death threats, imprisonment and harassment of human rights lawyers and activists, banning of meetings and other activities, political divisions and lack of funds, have virtually paralyzed human rights organizations in Algeria."24 Nabila Djahnine, a prominent advocate for women's human rights, was assassinated in 1995. Khalida Messaoudi, an outspoken critic of both the FLN and Islamic fundamentalists, activist and parliamentary member, has lived since 1993 under a death sentence. Amnesty International has been denied entrance into Algeria since 1997.
The Algerian government recently formed a human rights organization and an organization for women's human rights. However, these groups may not investigate alleged human rights abuses. Moreover, they report to the government.
The Berber are Algeria's most significant minority ethnic group, comprising about twenty percent of the population. Residing primarily in the mountainous northeastern region of the country, Berbers are descendants of pre-Islamic inhabitants of northern Africa. Currently, an estimated fourteen percent of the population speaks Tamazight, the Berber language. Controversy erupted in June 1998 when a law was passed making Arabic the sole official language of Algeria. The new law, combined with the murder in June of popular Berber singer and outspoken political activist Lounes Matoub, resulted in 5,000 Berbers protesting in northeastern Algeria to reiterate their demand for official recognition of their language.25 Shortly thereafter, a statement was sent to the newspapers El Watan and Le Matin on 2 July announcing the establishment of the Armed Berber Movement (ABM), declaring the movement would eliminate those who try to apply the government's Arabization policy.26
"Strict government censorship, long-term suspension of newspapers, and the fear of state prosecution for coverage of 'security' matters contribute to making the political violence in Algeria one of the most underreported conflicts in recent history."
The Committee to Protect Journalists27
"Journalists and editors are fully confident that the fight they are leading is fundamental for the future of democracy in Algeria. They will not bow to intimidation and pressure. The active support from civil society, political figures and leaders of the democratic opposition and the emotion of public opinion created by the measures of suspension are signs which strengthen the press's determination."
Omar Belhouchet, Director of El Watan, one of two major independent newspapers recently shut down by the Algerian government.28
Journalists and publishers worldwide reacted when the government effectively prohibited publication of Algeria's two major independent daily newspapers, El Watan and Le Matin. In October 1998, government-owned printing presses ordered publishers of the two newspapers to settle debts within forty-eight hours or cease operations. Publishers and human rights activists charged that the demand came in retaliation for the papers' reporting on corruption and abuse of power by the country's leadership.29 Editors deny the existence of any debts. After the two papers ceased printing, five other privately owned Algerian newspapers halted publication to protest the government action. The editor of the French-language Le Matin stated that "the printer told us clearly that even if we paid all our debts, our newspaper would not be printed, according to instructions given to him by the authorities."30
Journalists' lives are threatened on a regular basis. Sixty journalists were killed in Algeria from 1993-1998 while on assignment, more than in any other country.31 Caught between "a repressive regime, keen to silence criticism, and Islamic fundamentalists, who regard them as traitors,"32 journalists are in an extremely vulnerable position. Although no journalists had been killed in 1998 as of 2 August,33 the obvious security threats journalists face force many to use pseudonyms and lie about their profession.34
Although Algeria's press law is more liberal than those of neighboring countries,35 the government nonetheless exercises strict control over what the media may and may not cover. A March 1994 interministerial decree forbids newspapers from publishing any news on "security" matters except for that provided by the official Algerian Press Service. Authorities interpret this to encompass guerrilla attacks on security forces, government human rights abuses, and the reporting of Islamist views.36 The government owns all the printing presses, and controls the supply of newsprint as well as the distribution of newspapers.
To date, twenty-four newspapers have been suspended for reporting on "security-related matters." In September 1997, government authorities refused to renew the accreditation of an Agence France-Presse correspondent in Algiers, in apparent retaliation for his reporting figures which contradicted the notoriously low official death toll in massacres in rural Algeria. Citing security concerns, the government has prohibited foreign journalists from traveling around the country without escorts, which severely limits investigative reporting.37
STATUS OF WOMEN UNDER SPECIFIC CEDAW ARTICLES:
IWRAW is grateful for the assistance it received from Ken Franzblau of Equality Now during the research and writing of the following section.
ARTICLE 9 - NATIONALITY
The citizenship of the male parent alone determines the citizenship of a child. Women may obtain a passport or travel without the permission of her husband or male guardian, but since, according to the Family Code, a woman is ordered to "obey her husband," her ability to travel freely depends on her husband's consent.
ARTICLE 11 - EMPLOYMENT
Although employment legislation reflects an egalitarian attitude toward working women, women face continued pressure from society and their families to remain in the home. Although women and men are equally educated, Algerian women comprised just eight percent of the work force as of 1996. These figures are thought to be even lower now; as the economy continues to decline and jobs are increasingly scarce, women are the last to be hired.
ARTICLE 12 - EQUALITY IN ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE
Abortion is illegal except when it is deemed necessary to save the life or the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman.38 A serious risk of suicide or of substantial harm to health does not constitute grounds for abortion.39 Algeria's abortion law, codified as Article 72 of the Public Health Code and amended by Law No. 85-05 of February 1985, also dictates where and by whom an abortion may be performed.40 Article 304 of the Penal Code provides that anyone who performs or attempts to perform an abortion is punishable by up to five years' imprisonment and a fine of up to 10,000 dinars, and risks losing the right to practice.41 Article 310, amended to the Penal Code by Law No 82-04 of 13 February 1982, makes it a crime punishable by up to three years' imprisonment and a fine of up to 10,000 dinars to say or write anything in public or private, including in medical journals, that encourages the performance of abortion, whether or not an abortion is actually performed as a result.42
The results of this severe ban are devastating. A study of women who had committed suicide in Algeria showed that thirty percent of them had been pregnant and unmarried.43 The Algerian government has vacillated on whether or not women who have been raped by terrorists are permitted to have an abortion.
The ratio of deaths caused by childbirth has risen to 215 per 100,000 births.44 In neighboring Tunisia the ration is sixty per 100,000.45 The Algerian government announced plans in 1999 to expand medical service outreach, especially mother and child health care, to reduce child and maternal mortality rates.46
ARTICLE 16 - EQUALITY IN MARRIAGE AND FAMILY LAW
The Family Code of 1984
Passed in 1984 despite overwhelming opposition from women's rights groups,47 Algeria's Family Code is one of the most restrictive in the Islamic world.48 The Family Code stipulates a comprehensive list of responsibilities for women, as well as many rights and freedoms for men. Under pressure from a variety of women's groups, the government began amending the Code in 1998. However, most women's rights activists insist that the revised version incorporates few substantive changes.
Major discrepancies exist in the Family Code between the rights of men and of women to marry, raise children, divorce and inherit property. Article 39 states that a woman must "obey her husband whom she must consider the head of the household."49 Depending on the whim of the husband, this article can be applied to a variety of situations and circumstances and can override the few rights that women do possess under Algerian law. For example, Algerian legislation stipulates equal employment rights for women and men, but a husband can negate that right if he does not want her to work.
Marriage must be contracted between the husband and the wali, the bride's male guardian. Although the wali can not contract the marriage without the woman's consent, a woman can not contract her own marriage without the presence of a male guardian. A woman thus passes from the authority of the male guardian to that of her husband without ever attaining independent status as a person. Women can legally marry at age eighteen, while the legal age for men is twenty one. A woman is prohibited from marrying a non-Muslim, while men can marry a non-Muslim woman.50 Polygamy is legal, although rarely practiced.
The Family Code provides few rights for women raising children. Women, according to the Family Code, must breast feed their children if they are capable.51 Children automatically take on the religion of the father.52 The father is the legal guardian of the children, and guardianship is transferred to the mother only upon the death of the father.53 In addition, females under nineteen years old and males under eighteen years old may not travel abroad without the consent of the father.
An Algerian male has the unrestricted right to divorce, while a female may request a divorce only upon the limited grounds stated in the Code, such as the husband's abandonment or imprisonment.54 If the wife seeks a divorce because of incompatibility, she may obtain it only by paying money to her husband in exchange for her freedom, a practice called khul.55 Upon death of the husband, women are entitled to a smaller portion of an estate (1/8 of the property) than are male children or even a deceased husband's brothers. While a widow is at least entitled to a tiny portion of an estate, female children receive nothing.
Once divorced, men usually receive all spousal property. Although women generally receive custody of their children, the male parent retains legal guardianship. Women must obtain their children's father's authorization to register their children for school and to initiate any other official or legal function on the child's behalf. Child support is mandatory, although in practice the government has done little to enforce this provision.
Algerian human rights activists have protested the Family Code since its inception in 1984. Thousands of women demonstrated outside the headquarters of the government-run National Observatory for Human Rights on International Women's Day, 8 March 1998, to persuade the government to revise the code. Many domestic and international organizations have written to the government with specific, article-by-article criticisms along with suggested amendments. Although President Zeroual acknowledged in a televised speech on 8 March 1998 that "Algerian women continue to suffer from unfair practices,"56 the revised Family Code only underscores women's inferior legal status.
GENERAL RECOMMENDATION 19 (ARTICLES 3, 5, 6, 12, 15, and 16)
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
Women are frequently specific targets of the massacres, abductions and other acts of violence that are now common in Algeria. "Algerian defenders of women's rights believe that the armed Islamist groups target women as important cultural symbols: by driving women from the streets, the Islamist militants demonstrate their power to impose the culture they envision for Algeria."57 According to leading women's rights activist Khalida Messaoudi, who has lived under a Fatwa since 1993, "They (Islamic fundamentalists) kill women who oppose their views of how we should behave. They cannot allow difference. That is why they insist on veils to cover the difference."58
According to the Ministry of the Interior, 2,084 women have reported being raped in five years of conflict.59 The real figures are probably much higher because rape victims face severe stigmatization. Rural women living on the Algerian-Tunisian and Algerian-Moroccan border, the areas hardest hit by the war, are particularly at risk. The incidence of rape has escalated since the war's inception: 1997 had the highest number of rapes of any year (450 cases).60 In addition to the women who survived rape, an unknown number of rape victims, estimated at well over 2,000, have been killed by their attackers, their bodies usually abandoned in villages.61
Recent press reports indicate that there has been little attempt on the part of the government to treat rape by government agents as a crime. Abdelhak Bererhi, an Algerian senator and former education minister said during a French radio debate, "It is indecent to compare a rape in a police commissariat with a rape by a GIA terrorist."62 The
government has agreed to treat raped women as "victims of terrorism," which would allow them to claim compensation as well as give them access to medical and psychological treatment facilities."63 The government opened its first treatment facility for rape victims in 1998.
Because of strong conservative traditions in Algerian society, many families of rape victims will not allow them to return home. In addition, the law applicable in the case of rape of a minor excuses the perpetrator of the crime from prosecution if he is prepared to marry his victim. Furthermore, article 7 of the Family Code allows a judge to lower the age for marriage if the victim is a minor.64
ACTIONS OF OTHER HUMAN RIGHTS BODIES PERTAINING TO WOMEN'S HUMAN RIGHTS:
Summary of the UN Panel of Eminent Persons Visit, 22 July- 4 August, 1998.
In response to the growing concern over the escalating violence which took place during Ramadan, the Islamic holy month beginning on 30 December 1997, when an estimated 1,200 people were massacred in a six week span,65 UN Secretary General Kofi Annan dispatched a "panel of eminent experts" headed by former Portuguese President Mario Soares to conduct a two-week survey mission in Algeria in July 1998. The purpose of the mission was to gather information on the situation in Algeria and to submit a report to the Secretary General.
This visit drew criticism from a variety of human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which criticized the mission's lack of investigative authority and failure to address key human rights issues in its report. Amnesty International deemed the UN Panel report "a whitewash on human rights," while Human Rights Watch called the Panel's report "perhaps the year's biggest disappointment.66 The basis of their criticism was the following:
Summary of Concerns as Presented in Panel Report:
Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee: Algeria: Algeria. 04/08/98. CCPR/C/79/Add.95.
Principal Concerns and Recommendations:
Concluding observations of the Committee Against Torture: Algeria: Algeria. 18/11/96. A/52/44, paras. 70-80.
Concerns and Recommendations:
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Algeria: Algeria. 18/06/97. CRC/C/15/Add.76.
Suggestions and Recommendations
Concluding observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: Algeria: Algeria. 12/28/95. E/C.12/1995/17.
Suggestions and recommendations:
2 "Thousands of women raped in Algerian conflict: report," Agence France Presse, 5 August 1998, on-line, Nexis, accessed 13 August 1998. back
3 "3,700 Women Murdered," The Irish Times, 19 March 1998, on-line, www.irish-times.com/irish-times/paper/1998/0319/wor4.html, 05 September 1998. back
4 "Families of the Missing People: Up to 700 New Files," Algiers Liberte, 26 August 1998, on-line, http://wnc.fedworld.gov, 5 September 1998. back
5 "Algeria: A Tale of Terror," Mideast Mirror, 6 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 October 1998. back
6 Richard Swift, "A Sample of the New Internationalist Interview: Khalida Messaoudi," The New Internationalist, 1995, on-line, http://www.oneworld.org/ni/NIinterview.html, 5 September 1998. back
7 "Algeria: A Tale of Terror," Mideast Mirror, 6 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 October 1998. back
8 "Algeria History: After Independence," available at http://www.arab.net/algeria. Accessed 7 October, 1998. back
9 Ibid. back
10 Amnesty International, "Algeria: Civilian Population Caught in a spiral of Violence," on-line, available at http://amnesty.org, accessed 1 November 1998. back
11 Lahouari Addi, "Algeria's Army, Algeria's Agony," Foreign Affairs, July 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 October 1998. back
12 Ibid. back
13 Ibid. back
14 "Algeria: Civilian Population Caught in a Spiral of Violence," Amnesty International, November, 1997, on-line, http://amnesty.org//ailib/aipub/1997/MDE, 16 October 1998. back
15 Ibid. back
16 Andrew Borowiec, "Algerian troubles worry Mideast; Nation rejected offers to help" The Washington Times, 6 October 6 1998, on-line, Nexis, 6 October 1998. back
17 Ibid. back
18 Ibid. back
19 Ibid. back
20 "Zeroual's call for early election shows who's the boss in Algeria," Mideast Mirror, 14 September 1998, on-line, Nexis, 1 October 1998. back
21 "Departing Algerian leader runs out of room for manoeuvre," Financial Times, 15 September 1998, on-line, Nexis, 17 September 1998. back
22 Andrew Borowiec, "Algerian troubles worry Mideast; Nation rejected offers to help," The Washington Times, 6 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 6 October 1998. back
23 "Algeria," Economist Intelligence Unit, 1 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 6 October 1998. back
24 "Algeria: Civilian Population Caught in a Spiral of Violence," Amnesty International, November, 1997, on-line, http://amnesty.org//ailib/aipub/1997/MDE, 16 October 1998. back
25 "Africa-at-Large," Africa News Service, 17 July, 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 October 1998. back
26 Index on Censorship, available at: http://www.oneworld.org/index_oc/index.html., accessed 5 October 1998. back
27 "Algeria," Committee to Protect Journalists, on-line, available at: http://www.cpj.org/pubs/attacks97/mideast/algeria.html, 5 October 1998. back
28 "Commentary by El Watan Director Omar Belhouchet: 'Freedom of Press is Threatened,'" Algiers El Watan (Internet version), 18 October 1998, on-line, available at http://www.fedworld.gov, accessed 13 November 1998. back
29 "Algeria: Further on Press Protest Suspension," Paris AFP, 20 October 1998, on-line, available at http://www.fedworld.gov, 13 November 1998, accessed 5 November 1998. back
30 "Algerian Journalists Protest Suspension of Three Newspapers," Agence France Presse, 11 November 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 November 1998. back
31 "Algeria," Committee to Protect Journalists, on-line, available at: http://www.cpj.org/pubs/attacks97/mideast/algeria.html, accessed 17 October 1998. back
32 Nick Ryan, "Truth Under Attack," Manchester Guardian Weekly, 2 August 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 October 1998. back
33 Ibid. back
34 Ibid. back
35 Ibid. back
36 "Algeria," Committee to Protect Journalists, on-line, available at: http://www.cpj.org/pubs/attacks97/mideast/algeria.html, accessed 17 October 1998. back
37 Ibid. back
38 Coliver, Sandra Ed., The Right to Know: Human Rights and Access to Reproductive Health Information. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995, p. 112. back
39 Ibid, p. 113. back
40 Ibid. back
41 Ibid. back
42 Ibid. back
43 Ibid. back
44 Index on Censorship, on-line, available at: http://www.oneworld.org/index_oc/index.html. accessed 5 October 1998. back
45 Ibid. back
46 Ibid. back
47 When it became clear that the Family Code would pass, the Women's Collective drafted a petition in September 1981 denouncing "The silence in which it was prepared and the absence of the people's consultation," and vowing that "We cannot and shall not accept that our future be decided without our participation." On 28 October 1981, about 100 women and 5 men demonstrated in front of the People's National Assembly. A second demonstration was held on November 16, led by women war veterans. The group was rebuffed by the People's National Assembly vice presidents, who referred them to the National Union of Algerian Women, who allegedly participated in the drafting. The General Secretary of the NUAW refused to meet with the group publicly. Subsequent rallies and demonstrations took place in 1981-1982. back
48 Lara Marlowe, "Where Girls are Killed for Going to School," Oneworld, available at: www.oneworld.org/news/africa/index/html, accessed 5 August 1998. back
49 Family Code, article 39. back
50 Ibid, article 31. back
51 Ibid, article 39. back
52 Ibid, article 49. back
53 Ibid, article 87. back
54 Ibid, article 53. back
55 Ibid, article 54. back
56 "Algerian Women Demand Equal Rights; President Acknowledges Plight," Associated Press, 08 March 1998, on-line, Nexis, 20 November 1998. back
57 "Women's Rights Activist Nabila Djahnine Assassinated," Human Rights Watch International Freedom of Expression Exchange Clearing House, 20 February 1995, www.ifex.org/alert/00001033.html, accessed 06 September 1998. back
58 Richard Swift, "A Sample of the New Internationalist Interview: Khalida Messaoudi," The New Internationalist, 1995, on-line, http://www.oneworld.org/ni/NIinterview.html, 05 September 1998. back
59 "Thousands of women raped in Algerian conflict: report." Agence France Presse, August 5, 1998, on-line, Nexis, 05 August, 1998. back
60 Ibid. back
61 Youssef Ibrahim, "Algeria to Permit Abortions for Rape Victims," New York Times, 14 April 1998, on-line, Nexis, 20 November 1998. back
62 Laura Marlowe, "Voices for Algerian Democracy Speak Out," Irish Times, 31 March 1998, on-line, Nexis, 13 November 1998. back
63 "Thousands of Women Raped in Algerian Conflict: Report." Agence France Presse, August 5, 1998, on-line, Nexis, 05 August, 1998. back
64 Family Code, Article 7. back
65 "Triangle of Death: a futile attempt to stop Algeria's terror" Newsweek, 23 February 1998, on-line, Infotrac, 15 September 1998. back
66 "Algerian Forces Suspected of Role in Massacres: Rights Group," New York Times, 3 December 1998, on-line, Nexis, 3 December 1998. back
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