Disparities in Housing Between
African Americans and Whites in Charlotte

Click on maps to see the full size images.

Map #1 - Charlotte, North Carolina Metropolitan Area Municipalities

Charlotte, North Carolina is a rapidly growing "New South" region with major population and job increases. Metropolitan Charlotte’s population has increased 22% from 1990 to 1999 to about 1,417,217 people. The city of Charlotte itself grew 31.5% during the same period. Charlotte can also be characterized as a region with a strong central city economically. County Business Patterns data show that from 1991 to 1997 the number of jobs grew 24.6% with little difference between the city of Charlotte and its suburbs. Job Growth has been particularly strong in the Finance/Insurance/Real Estate, Business and Health Services and Construction industries. In November 2000, the Charlotte region had a low unemployment rate of 3.3%, down from 3.9% in 1993. The city of Charlotte has seen a greater decrease in unemployment from 4% in 1993 to 2.8% in November 2000, an unemployment rate lower than the suburbs. Charlotte has also seen a migration of African Americans from the north and an increasing black middle and working class.

Though the Charlotte region is characterized by positive economic indicators for the region as whole, inequities exist between African-Americans and whites that affect participation in the region’s growth. Residential segregation is an example of a negative constraint for the access to housing markets of African Americans which in turn hampers, their ability to accumulate wealth. Though Charlotte is less racially segregated than many other U.S. regions, disparities can be found in the housing market and in the region’s geography.

 Map #2 - Charlotte, North Carolina Metropolitan Area African American Population

In 1990, 19.9% of the Charlotte region’s population was African American. The city of Charlotte had 54.4% of the region’s African American population, a slight increase from 50.4% in 1980. There are also significant African American populations in most of the smaller cities surrounding Charlotte.

Segregation levels for African Americans are quite low in Charlotte compared to other U.S. metropolitan areas, in part due to the clustered pattern of racial populations. African Americans in the city of Charlotte live mostly in the northern and western sections of the city, while whites tend to live mostly in the south and east. Charlotte the city is much more segregated than the region as a whole. And though there is spatial variance for African Americans in the Charlotte region that may minimize distances to opportunity structures in the region, poverty and lower housing values intersect most of the clustered African American neighborhoods in the region.

Map #3 - Charlotte, North Carolina Metropolitan Area Percent in Poverty
and Over 40% in Poverty.

The region of Charlotte has one of the lowest rates of concentrated poverty for U.S. metropolitan areas. The Charlotte area has only 9 high poverty census tracts (those with over 40% of residents in poverty) compared to 36 in the Atlanta region. 13% of African Americans live in high poverty tracts, which is low compared to many southern cities and most U.S. metropolitan areas. Concentrated poverty may be relatively low because poverty is more clustered and less concentrated in any one place in the region. Most cities in the region, particularly Charlotte, have both poor and wealthy neighborhoods.

With all the good economic indicators for the Charlotte region, some disturbing trends can be found, particularly in the differences between poverty rates between African Americans and whites. 1990 Census shows that 51,552 or 22.9% of African Americans in the Charlotte region lived in poverty compared to 59,352 or 6.2% of whites. Poverty especially affects young African Americans, where 22, 468 or 30.9% for children 17 and under are under the poverty line, compared to 13,393 or 6.5% of white children.

The map shows poverty and major African American populations (greater than 40%) in block-groups. High poverty (over 40%) and moderate poverty (20 to 40%) block groups spatially intersect block groups with major African American populations. Two-thirds of all moderate poverty block groups and 84% of all high poverty block groups were located in areas with over 40% African Americans. More than half of high poverty block groups with major African-American populations were in the area surrounding downtown Charlotte to the north and west.

People of color have lower incomes. For example, 25% of African Americans, compared to 11% of whites earned less than $10,000 in the Charlotte region in 1990. However, the lack of wealth can also be explained by the inability to make returns through investment in the marketplace. One way wealth can be created is in the housing market. In Charlotte, disparities in the housing market can make it difficult for African Americans to create wealth.

Maps #4, #5 and #6 - Housing Values in
White, Mixed and African American Neighborhoods

A major way wealth can be created is though returns on investment in housing. Housing values and the rate of change in value help determine a successful investment. Housing markets succeed in times of economic growth, times of greater demand than supply and can be driven by the desire of the location by consumers. However, when the desire of the consumers is aligned with prejudice and racism, low-income people of color face even greater constraints. 

Historically, neighborhoods in U.S. cities were drawn by race and class distinctions and these patterns persist from previous overtly discriminatory practices in housing markets. In fact, the checkerboard-pattern in segregation within the Charlotte area has morphed from a more salt and pepper pattern since the industrialization of Charlotte between 1890 and 1920.[1]  During this period white property owners forged separate neighborhoods, thus separate markets, for blacks.[2]

African Americans faced further alienation in Charlotte with redlining practices in which African American neighborhoods were written off for housing credit and urban renewal practices, in which many black households were razed for downtown development. It is good to keep in mind that the current disparities in the markets between African Americans and whites are not separated from this historical context. Although, Charlotte has become a less segregated region since the 1950’s, patterns of disparities are clear between black and whites and space is still racialized in the area.

Disparities between housing values can be seen geographically between neighborhoods with different racial compositions. Mostly white neighborhoods (over 90% white) that had high housing values are located in the south side of Charlotte, in first tier suburbs to the south and outer suburban areas to the northwest and southwest. Middle value homes are spread out throughout the region, while moderate and low value homes tend more to be located in Gaston, Lincoln and Rowan counties. Most white neighborhoods are comprised of middle to upper valued homes.

In less segregated neighborhoods with some African Americans (over 10%) housing values tend to be lower than in mostly white areas.  These neighborhoods tend to be spread across the region, with more neighborhoods located near the center of Charlotte and its satellite cities than white neighborhoods.  Most are comprised of middle to moderate valued homes. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Housing values in neighborhoods where over 40% of the population are African American are much lower than less segregated and white neighborhoods. African American neighborhoods comprise of mostly moderate or low valued homes in the city of Charlotte and other cities in the region. Neighborhoods with sizeable African American populations have much lower values than less segregated or mostly white neighborhoods.    


 

 

Neighborhoods with sizeable African American populations

Less Segregated Neighborhoods

Mostly White Neighborhoods

1990 Property Values

Over 40% African American

Less than 40% African American and Less than 90% white

More than 90% White

$1 to 35,000

14.3%

3.7%

1.8%

$35,000 to 55,000

76.2%

29.6%

19.8%

$55,000 to 85,000

4.8%

49.1%

42.6%

$85,000 to 160,000

4.8%

15.4%

25.7%

$160,000 to 448,000

0.0%

2.2%

10.0%

 

100.00%

100.00%

100.00%

Housing markets are vastly complex and this research looks simply at disparities within the market.  However when analyzing causes for disparities, metropolitan housing markets should not be looked at simply as determined by individual preferences, class stratified urban morphology or simply the aging of housing stock, but also as historical and present valuations of African Americans and African American neighborhoods by a structurally racist marketplace.

When areas are grouped by the rate of African Americans in Charlotte block groups we see clear patterns.  When most African Americans enter the homeownership market, they likely have a lesser rate of return on their investment because of lower housing values in areas they typically reside in.  Also noteworthy is the low homeownership rate within African American communities.  In Charlotte only 44% of African American households lived in homes they own, compared to 72% of white.  Barriers to wealth are further magnified for African Americans when relatively few enter into homeownership.
















Though 1990 Census Data does not allow us to look at housing values by race in smaller geographic areas, a 5% Census sample of Charlotte shows the average home value for Whites is $93,585 and for African Americans it is $58,387 (a 60% difference).  Furthermore, income does not explain this difference entirely.  Whites with incomes similar to African Americans often own homes of greater value.  The tables below demonstrate that when controlling for income, African Americans move less up the housing value than whites.  The disparity between white and black housing values actually increases with the income rise.  Many African American households earning over $100,000 per year actually fall within a middle housing value range.

A similar pattern appears when looking at mortgage payment compared to housing values. There is a greater variance skewed to higher value homes for whites compared to African Americans making similar mortgage payments. Even in the lower mortgage payment ranges, whites are more likely to own a more expensive home than blacks. The value disparity between black and white owned properties also widens as the mortgage payment rises, especially between the $500 to $1500 mortgage payment ranges. For example, between the $1,000 to $1,499 mortgage payment range, 28.8% of African Americans own homes over $160,000 compared to 56.4% of white households.

This research only glimpses at how the Charlotte housing market differs for African Americans and whites.  More research would be necessary to have a more definitive research findings.  However some reasonable explanations can be provided for disparities in Charlotte’s housing market.

That African Americans paying higher mortgage payments for lower property values could reflect unfair credit arrangements.  Nationwide, African Americans are more often offered subprime loans that offer higher mortgage payments and interest rates.  Lenders often target low-income neighborhoods of color for loans that can have unfavorable terms. Subprime lending plays a critical role in the housing market, especially with borrowers with some credit problems.  However a lack of prime lending in many African American communities and the lack of federal regulation for subprime lenders makes African Americans more susceptible to unfavorable loans that can affect their ability to purchase more expensive homes.

In the lower mortgage payment ranges, half of mortgage payments under $500 by African Americans are for houses valued $35,000 to $54,000. Whites paying less than $500 have a greater variance of housing values, with a greater proportion of higher and lower valued homes. A similar pattern arises for low-income African Americans and whites. The aging population of whites could help explain their higher housing values at low-income levels. In Charlotte 50% of whites with incomes under $15,000 are over age 55, compared to 29% African Americans. [3] An older population is more likely to have bought a home years ago when the price and mortgage payment was lower.  However, age differences between black and white households are less pronounced in middle and upper income households and probably do not explain disparities in housing values.

Another explanation is that African Americans could be locked out of neighborhoods by real estate agents that direct clients to neighborhoods according to their race. In this case African Americans would be locked into markets that have lower housing values, because of their undesirability to whites.  Many paired-testing analyses have documented the differences in the way blacks and whites are treated during the process of purchasing a home.

Another explanation for differences between housing and racial groups of similar incomes is the focus on credit-worthiness. African Americans are more likely to be turned down for housing or have to purchase lower valued homes because of the lack of wealth and negative credit histories.  Wealth and credit are built up over time, and though segregation has decreased over time in Charlotte, intergenerational wealth accumulation can be linked to past segregation and discriminatory practices.  Recent research by the Federal Reserve Bank found that African Americans continue to be discriminated against in the Boston market even when controlling for credit histories.

Further research done with HMDA data, borrower characteristics and paired-testing would yield a greater picture in the extent that current discrimination contributes to housing disparities between African Americans and whites in Charlotte.

Charlotte is an area of promising economic growth, low unemployment and relatively low economic and racial segregation.  The cluster pattern of income and racial groups, likely makes it easier for people in poverty and African Americans to access opportunities across geographic space.  Charlotte also has a modest-size black middle class and lower poverty rate than most U.S. metropolitan areas.  Though Charlotte has great potential to have economic and social stability in the future a number of concerns remain.  Charlotte continues to have segregation patterns similar to the past.  The cluster patterns of areas with large proportions of African Americans tend to intersect high poverty rates and lower property values.  Even when controlling for income and monthly mortgage payments, African Americans are much less likely to own higher value houses than whites.  Though many possibilities could explain these differences, different markets geographically and financially between African Americans and whites, past and present discrimination and intergenerational wealth creation remain leading candidates for explaining these disparities.  


Notes:

[1] Segregation was much less common in the late 1800's and early 1900's in U.S. cities.

[2] For a greater example of Charlotte’s history of race and urban development see Harvey Newman’s “Sorting Out the New South City: Race, Class, and Urban Development: 1875-1975”.

[3] This is probably indicative of disparities in health.  The National Center for Health Statistics shows that white males have a 60% lower death rate than African American males, while white females have a 50% lower rate than African American females.

 


 
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