Integration and Regional and Urban Planning
Panelists:
Scott Bollens, UC-Irvine
George Galster, Urban Institute
john powell, Institute on Race and Poverty
Charles Smith, Metro Toronto
Ed Washington, Metro Portland
Moderator: Maya Wiley, Asst. U.S. Attorney, N.Y.
Maya Wiley
What do we mean by integration? Do we mean integration in terms
of people, or in terms of resources? Is integration a goal in
itself, or a strategy to achieve other goals? This conference
gives us a rare opportunity to directly discuss the intersections
of race and poverty, and to directly discuss integration. To the
extent that integration is a goal or strategy to other goals,
what barriers are there?
Scott Bollens
There are ways that the experiences of South Africa can be
instructive to us in this discussion. The Group Areas Act in South
Africa was the main way of maintaining apartheid. A study noted
the Act "manufactured an inward group-oriented consciousness,
which in turn is one basis for race-based political mobilization
and inter-group conflict." The ANC, while its roots are very
localized and its strength based on people-power, has adopted
a metropolitanized form of governance to reconstruct the cities
and redistribute resources. We need to look to regional governance,
as opposed to regional government. Our governmental planning
authorities tend to be insular, appointed, and powerful. Giving
them regional authority is a mistake. Yet integrating economic,
environmental, and social policies at a metro-wide scale is a
practical necessity to make metropolitan areas more livable.
Regional (Multi-Jurisdictional) Planning Strategies Conducive to Integrated Communities
1. Channel HUD housing expenditures to lessen racial concentration (Gautreaux, Shannon).
2. Establish regional government campaign against residential segregation (multi-jurisdictional approach).
3. Increase densities and compact growth. Discourage income-segregating sprawl (Oregon law creates minimum rather than maximum densities).
4. Require "Fair Share" affordable housing obligations (as in MA, CA, and NJ, among other states).
5. Require localities to accommodate projected growth.
6. Encourage balanced distribution of jobs and housing.
7. Target regional transportation and redevelopment strategies (hook objectives to existing agencies).
8. Modify development review to advantage distressed areas.
9. Site "LULUS" based on equity criteria.
10. Develop guidelines for local integration maintenance programs.
ll. Attack root fiscal reasons behind municipal planning.
George Galster
Racial integration of residential areas should be a goal in
and of itself because it is a powerful means of reducing racial
stereotypes. Integration is also a strategy toward other goals,
such as increasing access to the opportunity structure and increasing
mobility. Racial segregation renders equal opportunity a sham.
We must take practical steps to achieve stable, integrated communities, using Shaker Heights and Cleveland Heights in Ohio as examples. Important components of their pro-diversity program are:
1. Serious enforcement of the Fair Housing Act (hire testers and affirmatively tout real estate agents who promote integration/don't discriminate against people in the housing market). Active demand by all segments of the housing market on all segments is necessary to maintain housing values.
2. Affirmative marketing, especially to white suburbanites regarding central city neighborhoods, and to people of color living in the central city areas regarding suburban neighborhoods. The housing office does pro-integrative house tours: visits to neighborhoods in which one's "race" is the minority.
3. Major investment in public services concurrent with increases
in the diversity of neighborhoods, to counter the notion that
increased diversity means decreased services. This is an important
stereotype to fight, especially in schools.
john powell
Integration is destabilizing white hierarchy and ending the
subordination of people of color. It is an instrumental good and
a terminal good. We recognize white hierarchy by how resources
are distributed in the community. Roderick Mitchell's question
in one of the earlier sessions "Integration into what?"
is not a very difficult one. I would answer "Integration
into an effective opportunity structure."
Segregation completely separates some people from the economic,
social, political, and educational structures of society. Even
the ability to elect a representative to the government may have
no effect on the political process if the community's concerns
are so separate from those of the broader society. Neo-Jim Crow
is maintained by spatial segregation. Neo-segregationist approaches
fail to transform white hierarchy and to increase access to resources
(the opportunity structure). There is basic agreement that both
of these must be done. The question is how?
Oliver and Shapiro, in their book Black Wealth/White Wealth,
tell us that African Americans' net wealth measures as zero. Individual
successes cannot overcome the community's overwhelming isolation
from the opportunity structure. It is unrealistic, from this standpoint,
for African Americans to "make it on their own." This
idea flies in the face of all we know about the operation of capital
in our economy.
Another aspect of the neo-segregationist agenda is the defense
of "preference." Baldwin Hills, a suburb of Los Angeles
where many middle-income African Americans live, is often cited
as an example. African Americans' choice to live there was tainted
by an element of coercion. Moreover, such accommodation leaves
racism intact, rather than transforming it; and we know that racism,
unaddressed, has a way of finding us.
Further, we know that capital flight is the most damaging force,
but we can't stem it without ending white flight. Secretary Reich's
book, The Work of Nations, warns that the rich are seceding
from the Union. Resource isolation and segregation allow this.
We need economic integration, which we won't get without racial
integration.
Charles Smith
One of the characters in Anna Deavere Smith's Fires in the
Mirror says "We're guided by lousy language." Integration
may make us think that what we need is something over there--that
means the community of dominance. That may mean having to forget
history as an African person. We need to re-examine the idea that
everything we want is outside our communities. My dislike of the
term integration is because it implies leaving, and leaving behind.
We must define access to resources in a transformative sense.
We can redefine society from the point of view of the traditionally
excluded--a transformative society based on critical dissent.
Why cannot the resources be built into these communities? Why
must the aspiring be forced to leave? Resources should be available
in all areas. Toronto is an example of a place where neighborhoods
having predominant racial compositions are succeeding. These neighborhoods
are notable for their location and services. In drafting a plan
for Metro Toronto, we want to build equality in a spatially different
way. Our plan, which governs land-use planning infrastructure,
builds in notions of equitable access to resources. The city has
a concept of City Centers, which are business incubators. The
successful Asian area is a block away from City Hall. It is also
in a heavy transit area. What about putting City Centers and more
transit in the new immigrant areas?
We are also working to have child care services available in
the newer immigrant areas, and to have these services be reflective
of the communities they serve, in terms of facilities, staff,
and materials. We want to get the schools educated about different
cultures, and to incorporate more of the cultural aspects of our
diverse communities into the schools.
We know about stratification. What have we done about it? Why
make people pull up roots?
Ed Washington
African Americans have been in Oregon from the beginning of
European exploration of the area. They were barred, however, from
settling there by early state law. I was born in Alabama, and
left there in 1944 for Oregon. I remember life in segregation:
the segregated buses and schools, black teachers, doctors, and
dentists. In Oregon, there were few blacks until the shipyards
needed their labor. I went to school with mostly whites. My life
has been around white people, but I know who I am, and I am in
my community.
How does this fit in with planning? When I look at what is
happening in Portland, I know we have the same problems even though
we have fewer people of color. Any two of us can get along, but
when you get over five blacks and whites, you're going to have
issues. A positive aspect of our system is that the planning board
is non-partisan. We don't run on political parties, and we don't
suffer the related gridlock. It's a disgrace to have this gridlock
and these abandoned areas. Martin Luther King Boulevard in Portland
was abandoned, but I am insisting that we rehabilitate this area.
My presence on the planning board is crucial in confronting the
attitude that only "they" live there. One goal I have
is to make sure we have affordable housing that will accommodate
everybody. We just have to take the challenge, fight like hell,
and don't let anyone turn us around.
Question and Answer Session
Wiley: Do deconcentration efforts dilute political power?
powell: A simple majority can provide representation,
so deconcentration could broaden the prospects for more diverse
governmental representation. Change happens all the time: since
the forties, millions of African Americans have left the South
and migrated in search of opportunity. We don't need to glorify
and hold onto everything from the past, some of which is a legacy
of slavery and a received culture from the white hierarchy.
Jargowsky: When do we reach a point where we no longer
need to push for integration, at which integrated neighborhoods
will be stable on their own?
Galster: This question is difficult to answer if integration
efforts are carried out in isolation; what needs to happen is
there must be a continuous, aggressive effort by the government
in every jurisdiction.
Gary Orfield: If an area is stable and has high quality
housing and good schools, it does not require management; the
areas that need direct management are most often those that are
in the path of expanding ghettos. Other areas experience excessive
gentrification, and have to be managed the other way.
Question: What was the tenor of the debate in Oregon
about affordable housing? Here there have been attempts to shut
down discussion about race, racism, and oppression, and to minimalize
it.
Washington: Fair housing and employment acts have been
on the books for decades. Oregon can be very liberal, then turn
around and propose legislation against gays and lesbians. The
environmental community is strong there. There's a nature ethos,
and positivism. The anti-gays have been careful not to express
racism. At the legislative level, you don't have much of the negatives.
Question: How do Galster and powell respond to Smith?
powell: One problem is that we're confused about race
and assimilation. Charles Smith is talking about assimilation.
I'm talking about having complete access. These segregated communities
were not naturally constituted. We don't know how communities
would be constituted without racism. The history of black migration
shows that blacks have been fighting to get into middle-class
communities. People's choices change when they are given information.
Galster: The enemy is racism, and we're trying to figure
out ways to fight it. Spatial segregation supports racism. I don't
view integration as a one-way mobility process. We need to get
equal-status residential contact to erode racial stereotypes.
Question: Where is the representation of the Native,
Asian, and Latino communities? Why did this happen? Why is there
an assumption that these communities have the same aspirations
as the black community?
Smith: I am speaking of communities that suffer discrimination,
though there are particularities to communities of African descent.
powell: Racial politics in this country have been framed
on a black/white axis. That is the dynamic from which the results
are most clearly measurable. Those results are descriptive not
of people, but of racism.
Question: How can planning academics address whiteness
as a hierarchy in relation to integration in a way that does not
reify that hierarchy?
Washington: As we plan for the future, we have to make
sure that we have more people of color on the planning staff.
We need people of color in these planning schools.
Bollens: Urban planning has been a highly technical,
therefore conservative, field. How do I challenge that as a white
planner? We need to change the profession to make it enabling
rather than regulatory and restrictive. In South Africa, rather
than town planning, they call it developmental planning.