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    Country Reports


Initial report dated 15 February 1995


Croatia, a country of approximately 4.8 million inhabitants located in southern Europe on the Adriatic Sea, declared independence from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 25 June 1991.1 The man credited with the breakaway from Yugoslavia is Franjo Tudjman of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ),who likes to be called the "father of the nation." Tudjman won his third five-year presidential term in the June 1997 election that international observers dubbed "fundamentally flawed" and "failing to meet the minimum standards of democracy." The observers criticised the domination of state-controlled media during the campaign and pointed to a low turnout, less than 50 percent of the electorate.2 One of the main opposition candidates, Zdravko Tomas, said that "HDZ spent on a banquet and fireworks as much as we did on our entire campaign."3

Tudjman, who was given one year to live following a diagnosis of stomach cancer last November, 4 has been criticised for behaving more like a king than a president. He runs the country out of a villa previously used by Marshall Josip Broz Tito. Tudjman uses a complex protocol and his meetings are called "audiences" which he "grants." He also maintains a personal guard clad in flashy uniforms and a separate mounted guard of top horsemen.5

Tudjman's Rise to Power

In November 1989, Tudjman's newly formed Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) was the first political party in Croatia to call for self-determination and secession from Yugoslavia.6 The Croatian Parliament responded by legalising opposition parties and granting freedom of political affiliation in February 1990. About 20 political parties participated in the first free elections in April/May 1990. Running on a nationalist and separatist platform, the HDZ won a sweeping victory (205 out of the 349 parliament seats),7 and Tudjman was elected the President of the Republic, forming the first non-communist government in Yugoslavia. When negotiations with the Belgrade government over its status within the Yugoslav Federation failed, Croatia declared independence in June 1991 .

Conflict with Serbia and Balkan War 1992-1995

Serbs in Croatia, with support from Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic, reacted to Croatia's free elections by launching an armed insurrection on August 17, 1990. They attacked police stations and blocked the main highway south of Zagreb, the Croatian capital. In response to efforts by the police to stop the uprising, the Belgrade government sent Serbian air force to "restore order." Following Croatia's declaration of independence in June 1991, the Serbian-Yugoslav armed forces launched a full-scale war against Croatia under the pretext of protecting the Serbian minority in Croatia. By the end of 1991, more than one-third of Croatia's territory had been seized, the city of Vukovar and others had been totally destroyed and thousands of Croats had been killed. The Serbian government openly admitted its goal of annexation of the territory in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina in order to form a new "Greater Serbia." The aggression was widely condemned, and the European Community and other world powers recognised independent Croatia on 14 January 1992, and the U.S. in April 1992. The Croatian government regained control of most of the territory, largely by military means, in spring and summer of 1995.

Dayton Peace Accords -- 14 December 1995

The Dayton Peace Agreement, known as Dayton Peace Accords, was signed in Paris on 14 December 1995 by Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The accords divided Bosnia Herzegovina into three ethnic regions (Croat, Moslem and Serb-controlled).8 Under the agreement, all refugees and displaced persons of the former Yugoslavia have the right to return to their homes.9 All governments are obligated to deliver convicted war criminals to the International War Crimes Tribunal in the Hague. The agreement also called for the return to Croatia of the Eastern Slavonia region after a transitional period of two years.10

The government of Croatia has been criticised for failing to fulfil its obligations under the peace accords. In 1997, the UN Security Council urged the Croatian government to improve its record in this regard and declared that the situation in Croatia has continued to be a "threat to international peace and security."11 Under U.S. pressure, the World Bank postponed indefinitely a vote on a US$30 million loan to Croatia to pressure the government to comply with provisions of the accords.12

The Croatian government has so far failed to assure a safe return of refugees. The military actions and ethnic cleansing in Croatia left about on-half million displaced persons and refugees, mostly Muslims and Croatian Serbs.13 Even though president Tudjman has repeatedly pledged that the Muslims would be able to return to their homes in the Croat-run part of Bosnia, where he continues to exercise a considerable influence, the government has done little to facilitate the process. In August 1997, Muslims attempting to return to their homes in Bosnia-Herzegovina were driven out by drunken Croats amid accusations that the government has been inciting such attacks.14 Croats in the town of Jajce burned homes to prevent Muslims' return.15 Croatian Serbs also have accused the Croatian leadership of making it difficult for the Serbian refugees to return to their homes in Croatia.16 The refugees have often been exposed to pressure and threats, including physical abuse and even murder. 17 Serbs have complained that they are routinely prevented from obtaining Croatian documents and from exercising freedom of movement, and rights to property, education and work.18 Amnesty International criticised the authorities for failing to prevent ill-treatment and arbitrary killings of returning displaced Croatian Serbs by Croatian soldiers in the Krajina region in 1996.19

In September 1997, a report prepared by a former official at the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe who had worked in the Croatian part of Bosnia accused the Croatian government of maintaining close ties with the Croat population in Bosnia in direct violation of the Dayton Accords.20

Mass Media

Tudjman exercises tight control over the media. He controls television service and remains in close contact with a few trusted newspaper and television editors. In fact, the media often become tools of hostile propaganda against the Serb minority.21

Despite the president's control over the media, there are several independent newspapers and radio stations.22 These publications are subjected to constant pressures which include court cases for "injury to feelings," often resulting in large fines imposed on these publications by pro-government judges. Harassment of the independent media also includes arbitrary applications of tax and administrative measures. The April 1996 amendments to the Criminal Code obligate the State Prosecutor to initiate criminal proceedings against anyone who "slanders" the president and several other public officials.23 This law has been applied in several cases. For instance, in September 1996, two journalists of the independent weekly Feral Tribune were accused of "insulting" the president. The editor of the weekly Nacional was prosecuted for "spreading false information" when he criticised poor equipment that may have caused a plane crash which killed a government official.24 Journalists also were put on trial recently for "publishing disrespectful images" of Tudjman.25 Amnesty International pointed out that these laws violate international standards.26

Economy - War Damage and Recovery

The dissolution of the Yugoslav federation and the war disrupted trade and supply routes between republics. As a result of the loss of former domestic markets, the country's per capita income dropped by 16 percent between 1990 and 1995. The war caused an estimated US$51 billion in damage to Croatia's economy.27 Recently, however, some economists have pronounced Croatia to be "effectively in a war-recovery situation"28 and termed it a "small but vibrant economy." The country's GNP grew by 6.5 percent last year, which is one of the highest rates in Europe, while its inflation levels have been one of the lowest at 3.5 percent.29 Tourism, the key sector and main foreign currency earner for Croatia, tourism, has shown dramatic signs of revival this year, with a 45 percent increase in the number of tourists.30


According to a report prepared by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), the Croatian government often bans strikes and uses the media to intimidate strikers and to wage propaganda campaigns against them. For instance, the government has accused unions of anti-state activity and of trying to overthrow the authorities. The ICFTU reported several cases of intimidation and firing of trade union officials. While the Supreme Court usually acts quickly to ban a strike, it does not respond in a similarly swift way when the unions appeal its decision.

In January 1996, despite the government's earlier declarations of support for collective bargaining and promises of increased social dialogue, the government banned wage increases for public sector employees. Since most of industry was state-owned, the move meant that the majority of country's workers were prevented from bargaining over wages. When the Croatian Trade Union Bloc (UATUC; formed by five trade union organisations) asked the government to talk with them, the government refused. 31

CONTRIBUTORS: This report is based on the "shadow report" completed in October 1997 by a coalition of Croatian women's and other human rights NGOs which includes: B.a.B.e. Women's Human Rights Group (Be active, Be emancipated); Autonomous Women's House - Zagreb; Center for Women War Victims; Rosa House for Women and Children, Women's Group Losinj, Women's Group Porec; Center for Peace; Non-violence and Human Rights - Osijek; and Women's Action Rijeka. IWRAW also included information from two earlier publications prepared by B.a.B.e.: the Legal Status of Women in Croatia (December 1996), and Status of Women in Croatia (Autumn/Winter 1994-95 with Spring/Summer 1995 Annex). Information provided separately by the Autonomous Women's House Zagreb also is incorporated.


Croatia has incorporated international treaties into its Constitution, and its legislation includes many progressive provisions concerning women. But B.a.B.e. and other NGOs called these official documents "decorative public relations pieces to convince the international community that Croatia is a liberal democracy."32 Women's NGOs told IWRAW that the government has not taken firm action against sex discrimination and for the promotion of women. To the contrary, the administration has supported initiatives to limit women's rights. For instance, in 1992 it helped establish the Department for Demographic Renewal under the leadership of a Catholic priest known for his chauvinistic and nationalistic attitudes toward family and women. The government also launched a Program for Demographic and Spiritual Renewal which proposed motherhood as the "highest vocation and profession for women."33 NGOs have also complained that in the drafting of the laws affecting women such as the new Family Law in 1994, the government has concentrated on defining women's role exclusively through family and motherhood.

According to several women's groups, the National Program for Demographic Renewal, which was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in January 1996, defines the status of women exclusively as a "reproductive vehicle" for new Croats. It provides various social privileges for families with three or more children, such as prolonged paid maternity leave, tax reduction, child support, etc. Although women's groups in Croatia generally support social security measures for families and women with many children, they are disturbed by the "ethnically oriented" and "fundamentally anti-women" tone of these programmes. Moreover, they are concerned that the Croatian government has failed to fulfil obligations under this law because the state budget cannot cover the expenses for such a population policy in the foreseeable future.34

The NGO coalition report states that the absence of a definition of discrimination and the lack of anti-discriminatory mechanisms in the Croatian constitution leaves women without protection against abuse. Although the government established the Committee for Equality in 1995, the concept of sex equality is not even mentioned in its name. According to the NGO coalition, the committee's role has not been effectively defined and there has been no attempt by the committee to properly deal with issues of equality between women and men. Moreover, its chairwoman, who is the national vice-president, has not shown a commitment to the advancement of women and women's issues, and she often expresses her conservative views in public. For instance, once she announced that "women's right to free choice existed only so long as they were not pregnant."35 Women's groups complained that the Committee for Equality did not include representatives of women's NGOs in the process of preparation of the Croatia report to CEDAW.

Women's NGO recommended that the government include an explicit definition of discrimination against women in the country's Penal Code, Family Law and Labour Law. They also called for granting executive powers to the Committee for Equality, the allocation of resources to the committee and inclusion of NGO representation.



According to the Croatian women's groups, 80 percent of refugees living in Croatia are women and children. Refugees from Bosnia who are not Croatian citizens do not have the right to work and do not enjoy any legal protection and access to social services. These women have often been exposed to intimidation and abuse. The public has not been educated about the international human rights treaties and rights of refugees, and the government has not attempted to address violations of their rights.

In 1994, the Croatian military forces evicted residents of apartments formerly owned by the Yugoslav Army. The majority of those who were evicted were women and children. The women either worked for JNA (the former Yugoslav Army) or were divorced from former army officers. These women reported harassment and violence and there is at least one documented case of rape.


The Croatian government's report to CEDAW (CEDAW/C/CRO/1) recognises the insufficiency of women's participation in political and public life. Yet, except for special provisions for the protection of maternity, the Croatian government has done nothing to promote greater women's participation in the politics and no affirmative programmes have been introduced to promote women in the government.

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN - Convention Articles 3, 5, 6, 12, 15, and 16

The government does not collect statistics on gender-based violence, but the Autonomous Women's House Zagreb (AWHZ), B.a.B.e. and other women's NGOs have recorded an increase in various forms of sexual violence, such as battery, rape, intimidation, murder and sexual slavery.36 In 1997, for instance, there has been an 11-percent increase in the reported cases of wife-battering (8,650 cases). AWHZ Director Slavica Kusic stated that the extent of gender-based violence is actually much higher and it continues to increase. 37 The NGOs believe that this is a result of economic tension and the misogyny of the prevalent war culture: men who are psychologically traumatised by the war or frustrated by their decline in economic power often express their rage through verbal and physical abuse of women. Despite abundant evidence, the government has not taken responsibility in this area - there are no state supported shelters for women and no rehabilitation programmes for the perpetrators. Even though AWHZ has repeatedly requested financial support from the government, none has been provided.

Victims of domestic violence told Legaline, a women's legal assistance project, that they did not report abuse to the state because they did not trust the state institutions. Women reported that their complaints were often trivialised by the police.38 The vast majority of law enforcement officers, who deal with family violence and question the complainants, are male. B.a.B.e. reported that women's claims are often not taken seriously and, instead, ill-trained police blame them for not "playing the role of supportive and devoted female." There is no gender-sensitisation training for law enforcement officials.

The Croatian legal system does not protect women from violence. Although the law provides for protection of private property, restraining orders to protect a person from an abusive partner do not exist. The only crimes against the person defined in the Criminal Code are insult, assault and battery. Even in these cases, the legislation recommends a civil suit as an appropriate remedy. There is no legal protection from abuse by partners, and rape by a husband or cohabiting partner is not a crime.39 In addition, police protection is even more problematic if the perpetrator is a member of the Army, since the civil police do not have jurisdiction over them.

Women's NGOs recommend that the government establish a Family Court that would deal with family violence issues in a speedy way since at present women are often forced to live with their tormentor during typically lengthy court proceedings.



The Croatian government's report to CEDAW states that the government is making an effort to change social consciousness and promote a less stereotypical and traditional attitude towards women through the media. B.a.B.e. told IWRAW that the dominant media portray women in a sexist way and lack awareness of the need for gender democracy. According to women's groups, the state television does not broadcast any educational or political programmes which would cover issues of the status of women. When women's rights are discussed (such as in the popular show Latinica), the approach is superficial, sensational and intimidating to women. When professional women are represented, they are given as examples of individual achievement and it is emphasised that they are "not being feminists." As a matter of fact, feminism is often portrayed as a subversive and anti-state movement.


According to women's groups in Croatia, the market economy has encouraged the production of pornography. Magazines often feature women as a fancy escort to important men or as vamps in the entertainment business.


According to one NGO report, the militarisation of the society as the result of the war led to an increase in organised prostitution and sexual exploitation of women. No action has been taken by the government to prevent trafficking of women, who are often recruited from other countries such as Ukraine, Slovakia, Russia and Poland. Moreover, the media often present owners of such establishments as successful entrepreneurs.40 The Croatian law does not penalise prostitution but it provides a criminal penalty for trafficking in women. However, NGOs report that the police take measures against prostitution only sporadically and there is no support for female victims of trafficking.

POLITICAL AND PUBLIC LIFE - Convention Articles 7 and 8

The government's report to CEDAW states that because women have been active in the wartime effort, they can be expected to "know how to achieve their position in the society in the peacetime." Yet, according to women's NGOs in Croatia, the political domain is almost exclusively controlled and defined by men. Women are seriously underrepresented in all decision-making levels of the national and local government. For example, only 5.4 percent of parliament members are women (11 out of 206).41 NGOs report that in the 1992 elections, only 6 out of 27 political parties ran females as candidates. Women's NGOs report that on the regional level, the situation is even worse and the number of women representatives is diminishing. While, thanks to energetic efforts by women's groups, several political parties developed women's programmes for the 1995 and 1997 elections, these programmes were dropped at the conclusion of the campaign. The lack of women in the government is seen as one of the reasons why state institutions and political parties do not address issues of concern to women and virtually ignore sex discrimination in all spheres of the society.

Croatian women's NGOs recommend the establishment of a system of gender quotas for election lists to the parliament and to regional and municipal councils to stimulate women's participation in politics and in the governing bodies.

NATIONALITY - Convention Article 9


The NGO coalition reported that refugees, and particularly women of Serbian ethnicity returning to the territory of Krajina (which was previously controlled by the Serbs), have been prevented from acquiring Croatian citizenship. According to the NGO coalition report, the process of obtaining Croatian documents is a long bureaucratic nightmare subject to delays and hindrance.

EMPLOYMENT - Convention Article 11

Women in Croatia are concentrated in lower paying and lower status jobs. According to NGO sources, they have high employment rates in low profit industries, such as textiles and chemicals, and generally are absent from heavy industry. Women constitute the majority of teachers but even there they are concentrated in the lower levels of education. Although women constitute the majority of elementary school teachers, most school principals are men.

Labour Act of 1 January 1996

Women have complained that privatisation and the adoption of a new labour law has led to a decrease in job security for women. Although ostensibly the new labour law gives women, and particularly mothers, increased protection and benefits, NGOs have complained that in fact, the law discourages employers from hiring women because they would be required to provide costly benefits. NGOs fear that the law will contribute to further marginalisation of women and devaluing of their paid labour. Many entrepreneurs have taken advantage of the difficult economic situation and the surplus of available labour by hiring women illegally for less than market wages and with no benefits.

In addition, the new labour law gives mothers with four or more children the status of "Mother-Nurturer" with entitles them to various benefits, such as financial compensation, old age pension and retirement, and health insurance. NGOs pointed out that the law discriminates against men, since only women can attain the status of the nurturer. At the same time, it also releases men from shared responsibilities within the family and toward the children.

Croatian NGOs reported that some women professionals are forced to sign a contract with their employer which commits them not to become pregnant for 5 years. The pressure on women to sign such contracts is immense, and the new law does not provide sufficient protection to employees while giving the employer vast authority over hiring and firing.

Women's groups reported that sexual harassment in the workplace has become standard behaviour. Women's human rights groups call for laws against this pervasive problem since the current labour law lacks any provision for such protection.


Reproductive Health

The NGO shadow report states that although gynecological care is still a part of primary health protection in Croatia, its accessibility continues to diminish. Health centres now charge women for every checkup, and many women cannot afford the fee. Some preventive tests and check-ups, such as breast checks and cervical smear tests, if performed more than once a year, have to be fully paid for by the patient. The availability of some tests, such as mammography, is very low and the waiting period extends from 3 to 5 months. Also, the availability of oral contraceptives in pharmacies has decreased. A survey conducted in February 1997 in Zagreb, showed that 80 percent of pharmacies carried only two brands of oral contraceptives. In 53 percent of the pharmacies vaginal diaphragms were not available, and a further 15 percent did not carry all sizes.

Reproductive Rights

In recent years the government (under pressure from the influential Catholic church) has actively promoted Croatia's "demographic renewal" and campaigned for slowing the decrease in the birth rate, claiming that the nation is threatened with "extinction." As a result a "Program for Demographic Renewal" was adopted by Parliament in January 1996.

Although abortion is still legal in Croatia , B.a.B.e. and other women's NGOs have expressed concern over recent government actions and public pronouncements that may signal impending criminalisation of abortion and restriction of women's right to control their fertility. Some steps in that direction have already been taken. In January 1997, the right-wing Croatian Party of Right (HSP) proposed a new law on reproductive rights which would outlaw all abortions except in three situations (life-threat to the mother; malformation of fetus; rape). Although the bill has not been debated in Parliament, the NGOs are concerned about the influence HSP enjoys with the ruling HDZ party and about the growing political power of the pro-life movement.42 The pro-life organisations fervently oppose abortion and any forms of contraception, and some have even gone as far as to call for granting parents with children broader voting rights than those without children.43

NGOs also have expressed concern over the support the government lends to these organisations. For instance, the pro-life organisations have been allowed to organise their meetings at the Zagreb City Hall, even though NGOs are usually not allowed to use the space. Moreover, the state-controlled media give a huge amount of exposure to these groups while the same level of publicity is denied other non-governmental organisations, such as women's and other human rights organisations.44 NGOs reported that gynecologists in some hospitals have refused to perform abortions for fear of reprisals and harassment from the pro-life movement.45

MARRIAGE AND FAMILY LAW - Convention Article 16

One NGO reported that the advisory body to the parliamentary committee established in January 1994 to draft a new Family Law, was composed exclusively of male state officials and clergymen. NGOs and unions attempted to obtain a draft of the law but were denied access. According to B.a.B.e. and other Croatian women's groups, the new Family Law violates the Croatian Constitution which separates the secular state from the church, by equating civil and religious (Catholic) form of marriage. Women's NGOs have been concerned that this indicates a special relationship between the government and the Catholic church and that the arrangement may have negative long-term consequences for women as to divorce and reproductive rights.


1 C. Michael McAdams, Croatia: Myth & Reality, 2nd Edition [book on-line], available from http://vukovar.unm.edu/~vuksan/myth/index.html, accessed on 4 September 1997. back

2 Simon Henderson, "Putting Croatia Into Context," 15 August 1997, Financial Times, vol. 17, no. 17, p. 3-4. back

3 "Opposition Candidate Backs OSCE View of Elections," British Broadcasting Corporation, 19 June 1997, on-line. back

4 Philip Smucker, "Pro-Nazi Extremism Lingers in Croatia," Washington Times, 15 June 1997, on-line. back

5 "Croatia's Boss," Jane's Information Group Limited, 4 September 1997, Nexis, 4 September 1997. back

6 The Yugoslav Constitution guaranteed the right to leave the union, but in fact such a move was considered treason. back

7 Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia:The Third Balkan War (New York: Penguin Books, 1992), 3. back

8 Edward Cody, "Between a Crunch and a Crisis: US Tries to Jump-Start Balkan Peacemaking Amid Breaches in Accord," Washington Post, 7 August 1997, A25, on-line, 8 September 1997. back

9 Caroline Smith, "Drunken Croats Drive Muslims from Bosnian Homes," Reuters, 3 August 1997. back

10 World Bank June 1996..... back

11 "Security Council Extends Mandate of UNTAES and of Military Observers in Prevlaka until 15 January 1998," United Nations Security Council. Department of Public Information. News Coverage and Accreditation Service. New York., SC/6396, 14 July 1997, page 3. back

12 Steven Lee Myers, "World Bank, at US Urging, Postpones Vote on Loan to Croatia." New York Times, 2 July 1997, on-line. back

13 Chris Hedges, "Tale of Death and Cruelty in Croatia Told by Ex-Militiaman," New York Times, 5 September 1997, on-line. back

14 Caroline Smith, "Drunken Croats Drive Muslims from Bosnian Homes," Reuters, 3 August 1997. back

15 Edward Cody, "Between a Crunch and a Crisis: US Tries to Jump-Start Balkan Peacemaking Amid Breaches in Accord," Washington Post, 7 August 1997, A25, on-line, 8 September 1997. back

16 Jonathan C. Randal, "Tudjman, 75, Seen Likely to Keep Presidency as Croatia Votes Today," Washington Post, 15 June 1997, on-line. back

17 Zoran Radosavljevic, "Croatia Improves Human Rights, But More Needed," Returers, 9 June 1997. back

18 "Serbs Support US Initiative to Exclude Croatia from Council of Europe," British Broadcasting Corporation, 26 September 1997. back

19 Amnesty International, Amnesty International Report 1997: Croatia, available from http://www.amnesty.org), Internet, accessed on 24 September 1997. back

20 "Croatians Are Accused of Subverting the Peace Accords," New York Times, 20 September 1997, on-line. back

21 "Security Council Extends Mandate of UNTAES and of Military Observers in Prevlaka until 15 January 1998," United Nations Security Council. Department of Public Information. News Coverage and Accreditation Service. New York., SC/6396, 14 July 1997, page 9. back

22 "Croatia's Boss," Jane's Information Group Limited, 4 September 1997, Nexis, 4 September 1997. back

23 Amnesty International, Amnesty International Report 1997: Croatia, available from http://www.amnesty.org), Internet, accessed on 24 September 1997. back

24 Amnesty International, Amnesty International Report 1997: Croatia, available from http://www.amnesty.org), Internet, accessed on 24 September 1997. back

25 Zoran Radosavljevic, "Croatia Improves Human Rights, But More Needed," Returers, 9 June 1997. back

26 "Croatia: Amnesty International Condemns Prosecution of Feral Tribune Journalists in Croatia," Amnesty International Press Release, 20 May 1996, on-line. "suppression of robust criticism of government officials by the media is generally not permitted." back

27 "State Commission Puts War Damage at About 30bn Dollars," British Broadcasting Corporation, 4 September 1997. back

28 Simon Henderson, "Putting Croatia Into Context," 15 August 1997, Financial Times, vol. 17, no. 17, p. 3-4. back

29 Simon Henderson, "Putting Croatia Into Context," 15 August 1997, Financial Times, vol. 17, no. 17, p. 3-4. back

30 "Croatia: Country Update," The Economist Intelligence Unit, 16 September 1997. back

31 International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1997 Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights (Brussels: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1997), 107-109. back

32 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 1. back

33 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 1. back

34 E-mailed message from B.a.B.e. posted to Conference "women.east-west," 7 February 1996. back

35 NGO Report on the Status of Women in the Republic of Croatia, Zagreb, Croatia, October 1997. back

36 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 6. back

37 "War Blamed for 11 Percent Rise in Wife-battering in Croatia," Agence France-Presse, 25 November 1997. back

38 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 6. back

39 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 7. back

40 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 2. back

41 Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated - B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95, page 3. back

42 "Croatia: Reproductive Rights," e-mailed message posted to Conference "women.east-west," 24 February 1997. back

43 E-mailed message from B.a.B.e. posted to Conference "women.east-west," 7 February 1996. back

44 E-mailed message from B.a.B.e. posted to Conference "women.east-west," 7 February 1996. back

45 E-mailed message from B.a.B.e. posted to Conference "women.east-west," 28 February 1996. back




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